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| Name: | Doctorqueen Defenseagainnst straightpunch nearwall |
| E-mail address: | SarahMG2@aol.com |
| Homepage URL: | http://www.civilrightsphotos.com |
| Comments: | 1)Outward block to assailer's innerarm. 2)Encircle assailer's upper arm with free arm (grasp in figure four grip). 3)Swing into wall. 4)Grab back of assailer's head and knee-lift face. 5)Consecutively,elbow back of assailer's neck. 6)For the GREATSPIRIT,return to readystance. |
| Name: | Mandymannhart Defenseagainst Attackfrom Behind("Comealonghold") |
| E-mail address: | SarahMG2@aol.com |
| Homepage URL: | http://www.daveyd.com |
| Comments: | 0)Artic is region surrounding Northpole |
| Name: | etr |
| E-mail address: | someone@somewere |
| Homepage URL: | http://www.cuttingedge.org/n1017.html |
| Comments: | This is just to confirm that Uncle Hitler was a shadow of antichrist,definitely satan's foremost prophet up to this point.The top two columns were signe by a different person than bottom two.ELOHIM and MESSIAH are my GOD though. |
| Name: | Knightessdefense Againstattack Frombehind (Variation2Flyingdoublekick) |
| E-mail address: | SarahMG2@aol.com |
| Homepage URL: | http://universalministries.com |
| Comments: | 0)Worshipping SHEPARD OF SALVATION,recycling one glass jar savesenough energy to watch television for three hours. 1)Step frontward rotating body and leading leg with leg on opposite side of attacker's push. 2)As a Knight Of Ministry,cock |
| Name: | Kunoichi(Femaleninja)Basicsteps |
| E-mail address: | SarahMG2@aol.com |
| Homepage URL: | http://www.midi.com |
| Comments: | I. nuki ashi=stealthystep ii. suri ashi:rubstep iii. shime ashi:tightstep iv. tobi ashi:flying step v. kata ashi:onestep vi. o ashi:big step vii. ko ashi:littlestep iix. kokizami:smallstep ix. wari ashi:proper step x. tsune ashi=normalstep xi. yokoaruki:sideways walking Ninjutsu means the art of stealer in whereas ninja means spy.Ninjutsu has its origins in Japan whereas the ninja was the secret agents of feudal Japan.Every known martialarts method was studied and perfected by the ninja.Ninjutsu is the oldest known form of karate on record.Now,that that is over I must thank YHVH OF ISRAEL for all ninjutsus and everything,even the femalegender. |
| Name: | Foreverthygirl Defenseagainst Armpinningbearhug Frombehind |
| E-mail address: | SarahMG2@aol.com |
| Homepage URL: | http://maidy.0catch.com/paulaabdul4-4.ram |
| Comments: | 1)Step to left. 2)Right chop(knifehandstrike)to enemy's groin. 3)Step right leg behind foe. 4)Push over the leg to groundfloor. 5)Mean kick to face. 6)Acknowledging ADONAI OF NAZARETH that pound for pound ,a lady's thigh bone is stronger than concrete,return to ready stance and repeat on other side. |
| Name: | Hookgeri |
| E-mail address: | SMG2@aol.com |
| Homepage URL: | http://www.geocities.com/Vienna/7769/strthawk |
| Comments: | 0)As JEHOVAH OF NAZARETH so,knows,even spider web is stronger than still pound for pound;a horizontal hook-kick is like a side-kick or back-kick ,but suddenly hooked down whereas a vertical hook-kick is like a frontkick,except suddenly hooked down,effective for slugging the head or face or solarplexus or ribs or lower abdomen while the striking part of it is either the sole or the heel,using especial caution when striking with heel as serious injury or death can result against certain vitalpoints. 1)Raise the knee of the kicking leg forward and up,leg sharply bent with kicking foot nearknee of supporting leg. 2)Pivoting on thy supporting leg,swing hip of kicking leg forward and slightly to the side of target so that target is behind your heel whilewhereas up to this point ,the motion is like a side-kick that missed her aim. 3)At the instant thy kicking leg is fully extended,bend the knee sharply-without altering position of thy-pulling or hooking the foot horizontally back to strike target via either heel or sole d' foot. |
| Name: | David C. Falcaro |
| E-mail address: | Sensei@GodaiShinDojo.com |
| Homepage URL: | http://GodaiShinDojo.com |
| Comments: | Hey just found you, You guys seen interesting. Dave |
| Name: | Viloence Atchristficionis/KemnpArchives |
| E-mail address: | SMG2@aol.com |
| Homepage URL: | http://rainy.net/pabdul/pages/archive.html |
| Comments: | ELOHIM,mediawisely,when one sees or hears smell or touches the sign of Empressrascal Violence,they know t'at something bad did,will,or does happen in Chemung Domains.Certain crimecommitters who are racists are forced to comply the follwing.First,eight hours the day,yelloweys are allowed to mouthaqua from waterfountain,second eight hours whiteys areallowed to drink from fountain,third eight hours blackeys are allowed to imbibe from the fountain. Binghampton,I am ridig Aglelora and park outside of a suspects house.We think she might be part of Violence's Gangsteroganizaton.Angleloia scans through her garbage and records everything by downloading it to the computer at our Captscave,one our secret bases in th Binghamton sewer.For hours,we sit outside he apartment.Via y bike,I tap her internetlines too to see for a possibeconnctio wih the old gang. |
| Name: | Tracy |
| E-mail address: | advisor@gotanimalsonline.com |
| Homepage URL: | http://www.gotanimalsonline.com |
| Comments: | Please visit our www.gotanimalsonline.com site! |
| Name: | Kemnpo-Versusfiction-Antiracialism |
| E-mail address: | Cindy@cindyjames.com |
| Homepage URL: | http://www.resist.com |
| Comments: | Unfortunantely,dueunto Ladyhigh Violence,the nation of Israel has been conquered and renamed Nazi Israel and made it part of Chemyng Countyalthough the Chemungisraeliresistance is still rebelling against this so-called Evil and Good gang or Good and Evil gang for Chemungisrael is the physical Army of CHRIST.Angeloria my bike and myself(Captbike)are the leaders of this righteous rebellion.I fly Angleloria to toward Israel and have her intangiblemode on-activation.National Socialist Klanswomen are in charge here and do the desirements of Violencemelkiresha in making this government a Satancracy as oppose to Chemung Theocracy.This Demoncracy was suffered by MELCHIZEDEQ duefact the sins of Chemung Countyisraelis or their backsliding.I land Angleloria in the city of Y'rushalayim vertically and dismount her saddle,"You can convert and come with me if you want."
"No thanks duefact I want to rest my circuits and apply my automatic replenishing systems,"the cyborgess,bionical,roboticbike responds.I salute her and walk away. |
| Name: | Show The Dragoness;Conceal The Tigress,EL |
| E-mail address: | SarahMG2@aol.com |
| Homepage URL: | http://books.dreambook.com/captcar/captcar.sign.html |
| Comments: | 1)Hold the lefthand in dragonform and place it underneath the right upperarm,which is still held in a straightkento(kento means punch).
2)Twist he right fist and pull it back to the waist.Sametimely,move left hand out ,along underside of the right arm ,left elbows slightly bent. 3)Left stance remains unchanged at left Archerstance. |
| Name: | Kellykole-Dieriesin/Kenpounholytales\Kellykole-Diegottin |
| E-mail address: | SarahMG2@aol.com |
| Homepage URL: | http://www.catherine.org |
| Comments: | Violencedieheftigkeit also fixes via her Koteriediesippe so that certain men have to be absolutely quiet in public and have to have a woman present so-inorder they can speak or either that or are required to have the women speak for them or else theywill be beaten,setting in Chemungdiegrafschaft.Koterie-Erzwingenaries also even forbid these samemen to wear certaincolors too.Koteriegeltungarys forbid these men,if they are imprisoned or incarcerated to study anythingacademic,but religion.Israelitisch,I,Captbike on bike Angleloria lead Chemungisrael-Diekriegeresses against thisgang with a minimum of victories,but countless escapes and hit+run attacks on our aggressiveadversaries.
MELCHIZEDEK-GOTTDERHERR/GOTTVATER/GOTTDERALLMACHTIGE/=ELOHIMELYON-CHRISTJESUS |
| Name: | GigantaKellykole/Science-Mito=Kemnpopatrol\Diosa Kellykole |
| E-mail address: | Bebie73@yahoo.com |
| Homepage URL: | http://www.spanish.com |
| Comments: | Ahora,Adolf Hitler's trial is longed and dragged out,as agonizinganguishing as possible.Koterie or Coterie(Klanswomen or Clanswomen) cause him to be forced to experience pleasure and painfulness until it eventually cides him ,like he did othersmillions, beyond imaginable and mediarecord it all as Violence is his Courtjudge.Koteriecoterietribufaccionclique and Chemungisraelitas both are in mutualagreement on the trial of Satan's Killerprophet duefact he is repaid spiritually,physically,mentally,emotionally,and ootherwisely for his Crime Of crime or Crimes of crime or Crimes of crimes.
-GIGANTE(DIOS)OF NAZARETH- |
| Name: | On the name YAHWEH |
| E-mail address: | SarahMG2@aol.com |
| Homepage URL: | http://www.spykids.com |
| Comments: | YOD=HANDS
HAY=BEHOLD WAH or VAV=NAILS YODHAYWAHVAV,thusmeans YEHOVAH ,the TORAHNAME YAHSHUA HA MASHIACH(CHRISTJESUS).Heil all Diereisins and Diegottins,Goddesses+Giantesses.YEHOVAH is variation of the name YAHWEH.ELOHIM embodied HIMSELF in the persona of GOTT MELCHIZEDEK;I am speaking a little German here!Yahoo!Yes! |
| Name: | Womenlysupremacy/Scincesfiction\Girlysuperiority |
| E-mail address: | SarahMG@aol.com |
| Homepage URL: | http://www.paula.com |
| Comments: | Diereisinmoreoverly,Violencelamelchiresha alsoindoes establish the ReligiousleadersKongregationalcamp,a camp for re;igiousleaders against the KoterieClanswomenCoterie to be concentrated punishously although handicaps against these NaziishKclanswomengirlsNefarious are too,but notso with those who submit or comply.Gigantively,the handicap that hate Violencelamelkiresha are hatefully handled and experimented guineapigly with allkinds of stuff that would makeoneyoudearleaders speechless if it were written in detail,allthese atrocious experiments successful too.
Certain Chemungneighborhood,there are two synagogues,Slanderfulsynagogueofsin or Sinningogue and Salvationgogue or Synagogue Of Salvationrighteousness.Gargantuanessly,Wolf Was Won the preacher goes to the SinningousSynagogue and gospelizes to the Synagogue Kocoterie Clanswomen about the goodness GOD YAHWEH and who MELCHIZEDEK really was,ELOHIM in humanform and is allowed on the bema to preach,"I am thankful to TRUTHFUL INDIVIDUAL for saving me and telling me to teach and preach.Anybody who comes to me with any illness whatsoever shall be healed without myusing herbs or medicines just the power of PEACE." |
| Name: | Kirra |
| E-mail address: | kirra@akita-dogs.com |
| Homepage URL: | http://www.akita-dogs.com |
| Comments: | I really enjoyed your site. |
| Name: | Hitler's Happy Deathday |
| E-mail address: | SarahMG2@aol.com |
| Homepage URL: | http://books.dreambook.com/holly |
| Comments: | April 30,1945 is when ChaoticClergy Adolf Hitler died and met his demisement.Thank YEHOVAH OF NAZARETH he got what he did deserve.Let us CELEBRATE! |
| Name: | SCIENTIFICTION,KoterieOgressationaryKlanswomen,REISINDIEGOTTINFICTION |
| E-mail address: | skyfestus@aol.com |
| Homepage URL: | http://books.dreambook.com/sirs1/sirs.html |
| Comments: | Vviolence now is just in an evilmood today and sends KoterieMoodyizationaryKlanswomen to wipeout 3.5 trillion Taoists because they rebel against her ChemungHolokaustGenecidesempire,4.5 billion Buddhists,centuries of thoussand Catholics ,30 centuries of Churchofgodinchristers,and zillion Zoroastrians or Zionists because these men just refuse to obey her although the rest uv Earth outside Chemung know nothing about this,but consider Violence Herr Of Holiness although we ChemungIsraelzionesses resist her in this Chemungdamnation she causes,I the man on AngleloriaMyAutomateshebike while Chemungs call Violence WorstThanWickedness ,she so sadistic and-or evil although she teaches good and evil are the same,definitely a most destructive lie from Melkiresha's Kingdom(Hell)or Melekaresha's Queendom/Hades\.
-MESSIAH[EL ELYONLAMB]MELCHIZEDEK- |
| Name: | Son Uv MELCHIZEDEK, Hohkthkththt[polyhhgg,Scientivietvodaofictionality,Son Uv SHEKINAH |
| E-mail address: | SarahMG2@aol.com |
| Homepage URL: | http://books.dreambook.com/shirley |
| Comments: | I am in Nweyorkcity,in Manhattan ,getting chased by KoterieManhattanaryKlonswomen+/or Koterie WomanhattanaryKlanswomen duefact I was caught spying on them and trying to escape who also have KoterieJetpackerKlanswomen chasing me and fire their gasguns at me although they either miss me or are ineffective against my outfit of armory.I leap from an alley on the top of a skyscraper,meaning FORCE is with me!Gottinly,I do a somersault onto the next building and have a topsecretdisk of the Klans that I took for the ChemungressIsraelitesUvCounty.CoterieJetpackerKlanswomen throws down a handful of goingtogetyou greanades at a vacant building I am on which blows up the floor beneath me.Regardlessreisin,I ninja myself unto the next building just before the ground explodes beneath me,translating POWERS are with me,YEEHAW!One CoterieJetspackerClanswoman from her wristgun,downfires a bullet that magnifies into a mechanical monster(monstress)menaced against me although I radio Angelleloria repetively,but no response!Reisinunfortunately,even Spiderclown gets after me ,a womanmutant who is have spider and fond of jollycrimes and chases me by gliding on a psychic web and swinging from building to building with clownslaughter and clownsprincess behaviour,"BikeBlunder,you arenot going escape we KoterieAerialKlanswomen thistime unless you give us the disc."
Giantessfully,I am trapped between her and the mechanical monstress and am attacked by Spiderclowness firing a net of web at me although I evade the web and cause her to get the MonstressMechanical instead and produce a gasbomb from my glove that hides me in a shell of smoke whereas when smoke clears,I am nowhere to be seen! -hitediereisins- |
| Name: | SUPPOSE SINNERUVSINNERS GOT SAVED,ScientceFictions,Kemnpopatrol! |
| E-mail address: | SarahMG2@aol.com |
| Homepage URL: | http://www.lowestfare.com |
| Comments: | {WHITEWOMENDIETIES}
Vioolence and KoterieRearrangaryKlanswomen permit Wolf Was Won to preach although they call him a"Mut'' as he preaches although lotsget saved and healed when he clergies,"Do not call me a fuhrer,but lower because I do not deserve anysuch hightitle.See well thigh sightings duefact they are always more than what you see.You must keep the MINISTRIES UV MELCHIZEDEK,even unto trial,unto prison,even unto death.LOVE everyentity,everybody,and even your enemies.Whatever you judge by,that will judge you.There shall be no segregation uv the nationalities,not even a lit-bit.Believe in BELIEF,that all plus nothing else.GOAL is upbuilding uv Poland and the upbuilding of every Country.Suicide is unforgivable and cannot be repented for or anytype of redemption for,nothingwhatsoever.Do not destroy lives unless you be destroyed with a hated name for everyhistory existently.....",;,all people who hear this are either benefited by miracles or something good and beyond what theyneed from CLERGYDEITY ENDLESS MELKISEDEC.KoteriePactationaryKlanswomen bow their heads in respect for Won,Wolf Was and throw offerings to him although he refuses or has it used to help get the innocents Viooolance-LaChica-Melchiresha out of their KampsUvImprisonment,millions of them altogether who are saved from the tortures and deaths they underwent or would have underwent whereas Wolf does not dare speakoutagainst the Koteria-Violence-Coteria or KoteriesHenchwomen reasonbeing he does not want any trouble or devastations brought his way or to anybody.Violence is sooo evil in fact ,it earns her AntichristsTitles,one main ones being HitlersexcellencyViolencedevildemigottin whereas Violence figures out how to artificially make solarsystems and galaxies by technology and magic with help of Unistar and Mechanicron + their Krews and KoterieGalaxymakerKlanswomen albeit they are pure-evil although they mislead to think they are both good and evil at sametime,an impossibility of IMPOSSIBILITIES! [WHITEWOMANTITANS] |
| Name: | Vietvodaokemnpopatrol,ScientsfictionUV MELCHIZEDEK,Vicariousliving |
| E-mail address: | SarahMG2@aol.com |
| Homepage URL: | http://purpletights.com |
| Comments: | {YUDRABBIWOMEN}Angleloria,MybikeUvcycles,I am riding in the FingerLakesRegion,investigating duefact SpygirlsUvChemungisrealites told me about somenew roboticized artificial Sun that the KoterieFingerlakersKlanswomen via Violence are working on whereas if completed,it will spell certaindooms for us unless CHRIST /:EL=\ SPIRITMASTER intervenes.Now,the K-Fingerlakerz-K do not dominate here,but are the main republicennes and democrats here with their aquatieqiptment and watersweapons here as well as KoterieFingerlakesbots(KF-Robots);it is at nightstime whereinas we stop at Keuka Lake ,;KeukaMaid Yacht or Ferryboat is in the middle of this lake.With her x-ray telescope,I have Angleloria scaninto,scanonto,scanaround the boat and the lakearea a'ound it as we are superfreelanceagents or superprivatedetectives o superprivateinvestigators of savesalvationsavings to figure outbest spiesroute.
[YUDRABBIWOMAN] |
| Name: | VicariousLifeUv EL ELYONESSESor EL ELYONISTS,Midrashmyths,Kemnpopatrol |
| E-mail address: | SarahMG2@aol.com |
| Homepage URL: | http://www.ninja-weapons.com |
| Comments: | [WOMEN OF WUSHUDOS]
I am still investigating aboard the KeukaBoat that the KoterieFingerlakeklonesKlanswomen tookover where there is a minimum of security.Sciencely,with the special visorcamera builtinto my helmet,I scan all the drawers and containers and copy all the stuff I need for our files,especially about the automated- military- astrostarstation that KoterieKloneswomenKovertarys are at work in secrecy on although this all seems to easy,something seeming fishy to me albeits I do not let that stop my agentingsization,finding all kinds of vitaldata that Israel can use to advantage against the Klans.CHRIST -ALLAH -UVNAZARETH! {WOMAN UV NINJAHOODS} |
| Name: | Kim[Reisindiegottin]Elizabeth |
| E-mail address: | RedroomInc@kimelizabeth.com |
| Homepage URL: | http://www.kimelizabeth.com |
| Comments: | Reisin,Kim,it means you are likeunto a giantess.Die,Elizabeth,means you are definitely a female.Gottin,Kim,that means you are a goddess.Hail Kim Elizabeth,the Queen,Mother,and PrincessUvHorrors.Kim,you are the FlowerOfHorrormedia and bring life where there is no life.All this I say in the name of KING MELCHIZEDEK CHRISTJESUS and perpetuate my PugilistikMartialartsPugilism despite all my enemies envying me!
-ELOHIM BLESS KIMELIZABETH- |
| Name: | THERESASAREO[scientdies,CHRISTELOH,fictionties]THERESACERIO |
| E-mail address: | captbike@yahoo.com |
| Homepage URL: | http://sareo.homestead.com |
| Comments: | -WOMENETERNALWHITE-
WickedWilliam,CrazyChris,and GreusomeGrover are threemen two evil to be accepted by the Chemungelmiraisrealwomen and to atrocious to go unrejected by Chemungisraelelmirawomen,but are pure-evil men unto themselves.WickedWilliam has the power of horrendoushallucinations whereas ChristopherThjCrazy has super-like specialforces abilities,and is a knifemaster while GruesomeGrover has super-like wrestling and firearm bullytalents,WickedWillium with an olive complexion and brownhair,CrazyChris with pure white skin and and blackhair,and GroverTheGrusome with blonde hair,blue eyes and almost pure-whiteskin,allwith attributes of atrocity to fit their names with KoterieAntisgroosumKlanswomen deepdead on theircases and KnightwomenAntigruelsomeIsrealschicas deadadeep after them,the Kemnpopatrol and/or Captsbikes their numberone enemy nemesis,Anglelorias my She-Bike factdues I am CaptoBikero! -WOMANETERNALWHITE- |
| Name: | MISTRESSMADINA(ScientifictionaELOHIM)MAITRESSMADINA |
| E-mail address: | madena@sbcglobal.net |
| Homepage URL: | http://www.domina.ms/directory.html |
| Comments: | Spiderclown laughs jesterfully as she is in the process of robbing the NewWorldTradecenter in NYC and is chased by WomenWorldtradeSecurityguards.- |
| Name: | Scientiprofessionalmistressfantasy,EL ELYON |
| E-mail address: | Ladyartemisia@hotmail.com |
| Homepage URL: | http://professionalmistress.com |
| Comments: | Spiderclown movesabout the building like an arachnoid whereas I am ,Angleloria's saddle,on my way there to help duefact Newyorkcitypolices cannot handle super she-criminal SpidesKlown. |
| Name: | DMNTRX D' DVNT |
| E-mail address: | Britneyspears@jiverecords.com |
| Homepage URL: | http://captbike.diaryland.com/020725_84.html |
| Comments: | {womenisms}
Straightsexually,ELOHIM was/is CHRIST in HIS MULTIPLEMETHOD or SHAPELESS STATE,MELCHIZEDEK forevers MESSIAH,heterosexually! [feminisms] |
| Name: | MELHIZEDEK DE MISTRESSES/KOTERIE-ANTISMARTINKINGLTHER KLANSWOMEN,\fictiondesciences |
| E-mail address: | SarahMG2@aol.com |
| Homepage URL: | http://www.fetishfarm.net |
| Comments: | "Heil Hitler,Highsrace(s),HailHeidler!"the Kotiere Anti-Martin Hateswomen chantagainst me whensafter Violences sends them against me,after I lost the duel to Violences.The KoterieTongueswomenNaziswomen whip me with their tongues because fighting Violencemelichireshia depleted my fightenergy,me so helpless unto these Koterie-Antis-Martins Dominatrixes who,with negativousness,via their toughsupertongues. |
| Name: | MELCHIZEDEK TEACHER OF TRUTH |
| Comments: | ABSTRACT: THE TEACHER OF RIGHTEOUSNESS
by Ysmena Pentelow yrp@st-andrews.ac.uk Bearing in mind the difficulties faced in interpreting the material, we can make some suggestions about the role of the Teacher of Righteousness as a mediator figure. Damascus Document: The title appears at 1:11 & 20:32 and in a slightly different form at 6:11. The title "Unique Teacher"/"Teacher of the Community" is also understood to refer to the Teacher of Righteousness. From 1:11 & Col.20 the Teacher is seen possibly as the founder the community. The laws and covenant he established are the community's means of vindication and remain effective after the Teacher's death. Col.6 anticipates a figure "who will teach righteousness" in the end time. Is this figure in some way the re-appearance of the historical Teacher? Or is he an ideal or messianic figure, perhaps modelled on historical remembrances? Pesharim: From the Pesharim a picture of the Teacher of Righteousness emerges: He is a priestly leader of a community; in this role he is seen to suffer, perhaps to face death. His interpretation of scripture is definitive for his community and may perhaps be understood as his legacy. A Written Legacy? Various texts have been attributed to the hand of the Teacher - the Temple Scroll, 4QMMT, and various passages in the Hodayoth. None of these mention the Teacher by name but texts such as 1QH 10 (=2):13 & 32 seem to reflect incidents recorded in the commentary on Habakkuk (1QHab5:8-11 or 11:1-8). Identifying the Teacher of Righteousness? The Teacher is generally identified as what his community considers to be the legitimate high priest. As a priestly figure the Teacher's role as a mediator would be the maintenance of the comunity's relationship with God, as his chosen people. It is possible that the title 'Teacher of Righteousness' refers not to one historical individual but to an office that is to be filled in the historical realm. Possibly the office itself is an expected ideal. Alternatively in CD 6 it is the historical Teacher who is awaited-in the consummation pattern, although whether the material allows for such an understanding is questionable. Possible background for this view may have been suggested by Abegg's equation of the author of 4Q427 with the Teacher: "...as for me [my] office is among the gods..." If the Teacher is so exalted it might be reasonable to view his activity as extending beyond his earthly existance, and incorporating his return to the historical realm. Jesus and the Teacher of Righteousness: There are a number of similarities between the earthly roles of Jesus and the Teacher, interpretation of scripture, the establishment of a law which is the means of salvation; both suffer. After death the followers of both require further guidence. There are also differences, the Teacher does not appear to be worshipped, his community does not continue and expand after his death. It is possible that the Teacher of Righteousness could be understood as a stage in the development of thought that led to the worship of an individual. The Teacher reveals the prophetic mysteries - of which Jesus is seen to be the fulfilment. Moreover in 1QHab8:1-3 faith in the Teacher himself, along with obedience, is a necessary means of salvation. In the NT Jesus is that means of Salvation. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- (c) 1998 Reproduction beyond fair use only on permission of the author. Back to the Divine Mediator Figures Web Page. |
| Name: | SHUN SATAN AND USE THIS INFO TO REMEMBER HOW EVIL HE WAS/ELYON OF ISREAL |
| Comments: | Mein Kampf by Adolf Hitler
Volume One - A Reckoning Chapter V: The World War As A YOUNG SCAMP in my wild years, nothing had so grieved me as having been born at a time which obviously erected its Halls of Fame only to shopkeepers and government officials. The waves of historic events seemed to have grown so smooth that the future really seemed to belong only to the 'peaceful contest of nations'; in other words, a cozy mutual swindling match with the exclusion of violent methods of defense. The various nations began to be more and more like private citizens who cut the ground from under one another's feet, stealing each other's customers and orders, trying in every way to get ahead of one another, and staging this whole act amid a hue and cry as loud as it is harmless. This development seemed not only to endure but was expected in time (as was universally recommended) to remodel the whole world into one big department store in whose vestibules the busts of the shrewdest profiteers and the most lamblike administrative officials would be garnered for all eternity. The English could supply the merchants, the Germans the administrative officials, and the Jews no doubt would have to sacrifice themselves to being the owners, since by their own admission they never make any money, but always 'pay,' and, besides, speak the most languages. Why couldn't I have been born a hundred years earlier? Say at the time of the Wars of Liberation when a man, even without a 'business,' was really worth something?! Thus I had often indulged in angry thoughts concerning my earthly pilgrimage, which, as it seemed to me, had begun too late, and regarded the period 'of law and order' ahead of me as a mean and undeserved trick of Fate. Even as a boy I was no 'pacifist,' and all attempts to educate me in this direction came to nothing. The Boer War was like summer lightning to me. Every day I waited impatiently for the newspapers and devoured dispatches and news reports, happy at the privilege of witnessing this heroic struggle even at a distance. The Russo-Japanese War found me considerably more mature, but also more attentive. More for national reasons I had already taken sides, and in our little discussions at once sided with the Japanese. In a defeat of the Russians I saw the defeat of Austrian Slavdom. Since then many years have passed, and what as a boy had seemed to me a lingering disease, I now felt to be the quiet before the storm. As early as my Vienna period, the Balkans were immersed in that livid sultriness which customarily announces the hurricane, and from time to time a beam of brighter light flared up, only to vanish again in the spectral darkness. But then came the Balkan War and with it the first gust of wind swept across a Europe grown nervous. The time which now followed lay on the chests of men like a heavy nightmare, sultry as feverish tropic heat, so that due to constant anxiety the sense of approaching catastrophe turned at last to longing: let Heaven at last give free rein to the fate which could no longer be thwarted. And then the first mighty lightning flash struck the earth; the storm was unleashed and with the thunder of Heaven there mingled the roar of the World War batteries. When the news of the murder of Archduke Francis Ferdinand arrived in Munich (I happened to be sitting at home and heard of it only- vaguely), I was at first seized with worry that the bullets may have been shot from the pistols of German students, who, out of indignation at the heir apparent's continuous work of Slavization, wanted to free the German people from this internal enemy. What the consequence of this would have been was easy to imagine: a new wave of persecutions which would now have been 'justified' and 'explained' in the eyes of the whole world. But when, soon afterward, I heard the names of the supposed assassins, and moreover read that they had been identified as Serbs, a light shudder began to run through me at this vengeance of inscrutable Destiny. The greatest friend of the Slavs had fallen beneath the bullets of Slavic fanatics. Anyone with constant occasion in the last years to observe the relation of Austria to Serbia could not for a moment be in doubt that a stone had been set rolling whose course could no longer be arrested. Those who today shower the Viennese government with reproaches on the form and content of the ultimatum it issued, do it an injustice. No other power in the world could have acted differently in the same situation and the same position. At her southeastern border Austria possessed an inexorable and mortal enemy who at shorter and shorter intervals kept challenging the monarchy and would never have left off until the moment favorable for the shattering of the Empire had arrived. There was reason to fear that this would occur at the latest with the death of the old Emperor; by then perhaps the old monarchy would no longer be in a position to offer any serious resistance. In the last few years the state had been so bound up with the person of Francis Joseph that the death of this old embodiment of the Empire was felt by the broad masses to be tantamount to the death of the Empire itself. Indeed, it was one of the craftiest artifices, particularly of the Slavic policy, to create the appearance that the Austrian state no longer owed its existence to anything but the miraculous and unique skill of this monarch; this flattery was all the more welcome in the Hofburg, since it corresponded not at all to the real merits of the Emperor. The thorn hidden in these paeans of praise remained undiscovered The rulers did not see, or perhaps no longer wanted to see, that the more the monarchy depended on the outstanding statecraft, as they put it, of this 'wisest monarch' of all times, the more catastrophic the situation was bound to become if one day Fate were to knock at his door, too, demanding its tribute. Was old Austria even conceivable without the Emperor?! Wouldn't the tragedy which had once stricken Maria Theresa have been repeated? No, it is really doing the Vienna circles an injustice to reproach them with rushing into a war which might otherwise have been avoided. It no longer could be avoided, but at most could have been postponed for one or two years. But this was the curse of German as well as Austrian diplomacy, that it had always striven to postpone the inevitable reckoning, until at length it was forced to strike at the most unfavorable hour. We can be convinced that a further attempt to save peace would have brought war at an even more unfavorable time. No, those who did not want this war had to have the courage to face the consequences, which could have consisted only in the sacrifice of Austria. Even then the war would have come, but no longer as a struggle of all against ourselves, but in the form of a partition of the Habsburg monarchy. And then they had to make up their minds to join in, or to look on with empty hands and let Fate run its course. Those very people, however, who today are loudest in cursing the beginning of the war and offer the sagest opinions were those who contributed most fatally to steering us into it. For decades the Social Democrats had carried on the most scoundrelly war agitation against Russia, and the Center for religious reasons had been most active in making the Austrian state the hinge and pivot of Germany policy. Now we had to suffer the consequences of this lunacy. What came had to come, and could no longer under any circumstances be avoided. The guilt of the German government was that in order to preserve peace it always missed the favorable hours for striking, became entangled in the alliance for the preservation of world peace, and thus finally became the victim of a world coalition which countered the idea of preserving world peace with nothing less than determination for world war. If the Vienna government had given the ultimatum another milder form, this would have changed nothing in the situation except at most one thing, that this government would itself have been swept away by the indignation of the people. For in the eyes of the broad masses the tone of the ultimatum was far too gentle and by no means too brutal, let alone too far-reaching Anyone who today attempts to argue this away is either a forgetful blockhead or a perfectly conscious swindler and liar The struggle of the year 1914 was not forced on the masses- no, by the living God-it was desired by the whole people. People wanted at length to put an end to the general uncertainty. Only thus can it be understood that more than two million German men and boys thronged to the colors for this hardest of all struggles, prepared to defend the flag with the last drop of their blood. To me those hours seemed like a release from the painful feelings of my youth. Even today I am not ashamed to say that, overpowered by stormy enthusiasm, I fell down on my knees and thanked Heaven from an overflowing heart for granting me the good fortune of being permitted to live at this time. A fight for freedom had begun, mightier than the earth had ever seen; for once Destiny had begun its course, the conviction dawned on even the broad masses that this time not the fate of Serbia or Austria was involved, but whether the German nation was to be or not to be. For the last time in many years the people had a prophetic vision of its own future. Thus, right at the beginning of the gigantic struggle the necessary grave undertone entered into the ecstasy- of an overflowing enthusiasm; for this knowledge alone made the national uprising more than a mere blaze of straw The earnestness was only too necessary; for in those days people in general had not the faintest conception of the possible length and duration of the struggle that was now beginning. They dreamed of being home again that winter to continue and renew their peaceful labors. What a man wants is what he hopes and believes. The overwhelming majority of the nation had long been weary of the eternally uncertain state of affairs; thus it was only too understandable that they no longer believed in a peaceful conclusion of the Austro-Serbian convict, but hoped for the final settlement. I, too, was one of these millions. Hardly had the news of the assassination become known in Munich than at once two thoughts quivered through my brain: first, that at last war would be inevitable; and, furthermore, that now the Habsburg state would be compelled to keep its pact; for what I had always most feared was the possibility that Germany herself would some day, perhaps in consequence of this very alliance, find herself in a conflict not directly caused by Austria, so that the Austrian state for reasons of domestic policy would not muster the force of decision to stand behind her ally. The Slavic majority of the Empire would at once have begun to sabotage any such intention on the part of the state, and would always have preferred to smash the entire state to smithereens than grant its ally the help it demanded. This danger was now eliminated. The old state had to fight whether it wanted to or not. My own position on the conflict was likewise very simple and clear; for me it was not that Austria was fighting for some Serbian satisfaction, but that Germany was fighting for her existence, the German nation for life or death, freedom and future. The time had come for Bismarck's work to fight; what the fathers had once won in the battles from Weissenburg to Sedan and Paris, young Germany now had to earn once more. If the struggle were carried through to victory, our nation would enter the circle of great nations from the standpoint of external power, and only then could the German Reich maintain itself as a mighty haven of peace without having, for the sake of peace, to cut down on the daily bread of her children. As a boy and young man I had so often felt the desire to prove at least once by deeds that for me national enthusiasm was no empty whim. It often seemed to me almost a sin to shout hurrah perhaps without having the inner right to do so; for who had the right to use this word without having proved it in the place where all playing is at an end and the inexorable hand of the Goddess of Destiny begins to weigh peoples and men according to the truth and steadfastness of their convictions? Thus my heart, like that of a million others, overflowed with proud joy that at last I would be able to redeem myself from this paralyzing feeling. I had so often sung 'Deutschland uber Aloes' and shouted Neil ' at the top of my lungs, that it seemed to me almost a belated act of grace to be allowed to stand as a witness in the divine court of the eternal judge and proclaim the sincerity of this conviction. For from the first hour r was convinced that in case of a war- which seemed to me inevitable-in one way or another I would at once leave my books. Likewise I knew that my place would then be where my inner voice directed me. I had left Austria primarily for political reasons; what was more natural than that, now the struggle had begun, I should really begin to take account of this conviction. I did not want to fight for the Habsburg state, but was ready at any time to die for my people and for the Reich which embodied it On the third of August, I submitted a personal petition to His Majesty, lying Ludwig III, with a request for permission to enter a Bavarian regiment. The cabinet office certainly had plenty to do in those days; so much the greater was my joy to receive an answer to my request the very next day. With trembling hands I opened the document; my request had been approved and I was summoned to report to a Bavarian regiment. My joy and gratitude knew no bounds. A few days later I was wearing the tunic which I was not to doff until nearly six years later. For me, as for every German, there now began the greatest and most unforgettable time of my earthly existence. Compared to the events of this gigantic struggle, everything past receded to shallow nothingness. Precisely in these days, with the tenth anniversary of the mighty event approaching, I think back with proud sadness on those first weeks of our people's heroic struggle, in which Fate graciously allowed me to take part. As though it were yesterday, image after image passes before my eyes. I see myself donning the uniform in the circle of my dear comrades, turning out for the first time, drilling, etc., until the day came for us to march off. A single worry tormented me at that time, me, as so many others: would we not reach the front too late? Time and time again this alone banished all my calm. Thus, in every cause for rejoicing at a new, heroic victory, a slight drop of bitterness was hidden, for every new victory seemed to increase the danger of our coming too late. At last the day came when we left Munich to begin the fulfillment of our duty. For the first time I saw the Rhine as we rode westward along its quiet waters to defend it, the German stream of streams, from the greed of the old enemy. When through the tender veil of the early morning mist the Niederwald Monument gleamed down upon us in the gentle first rays of the sun, the old Watch on the Rhine roared out of the endless transport train into the morning sky, and I felt as though my heart would burst. And then came a damp, cold night in Flanders, through which we marched in silence, and when the day began to emerge from the mists, suddenly an iron greeting came whizzing at us over our heads, and with a sharp report sent the little pellets flying between our ranks, ripping up the wet ground; but even before the little cloud had passed, from two hundred throats the first hurrah rose to meet the first messenger of death. Then a crackling and a roaring, a singing and a howling began, and with feverish eyes each one of us was drawn forward, faster and faster, until suddenly past turnip fields and hedges the fight began, the fight of man against man. And from the distance the strains of a song reached our ears, coming closer and closer, leaping from company to company, and just as Death plunged a busy hand into our ranks, the song reached us too and we passed it along: 'Deutschland, Deutschland uber Alles, uber Alles in der Welt!' Four days later we came back. Even our step had changed. Seventeen-year-old boys now looked like men. The volunteers of the List Regiment may not have learned to fight properly, but they knew how to die like old soldiers This was the beginning. Thus it went on year after year; but the romance of battle had been replaced by horror. The enthusiasm gradually cooled and the exuberant joy was stifled by mortal fear. The time came when every man had to struggle between the instinct of self-preservation and the admonitions of duty. I, too, was not spared by this struggle. Always when Death was on the hunt, a vague something tried to revolt, strove to represent itself to the weak body as reason, yet it was only cowardice, which in such disguises tried to ensnare the individual. A grave tugging and warning set in, and often it was only the last remnant of conscience which decided the issue. Yet the more this voice admonished one to caution, the louder and more insistent its lures, the sharper resistance grew until at last, after a long inner struggle, consciousness of duty emerged victorious. By the winter of 1915-16 this struggle had for me been decided. At last my will was undisputed master. If in the first days I went over the top with rejoicing and laughter, I was now calm and determined. And this was enduring. Now Fate could bring on the ultimate tests without my nerves shattering or my reason failing. The young volunteer had become an old soldier. And this transformation had occurred in the whole army. It had issued old and hard from the eternal battles, and as for those who could not stand up under the storm-well, they were broken. Now was the time to judge this army. Now, after two or three years, during which it was hurled from one battle into another, forever fighting against superiority in numbers and weapons, suffering hunger and bearing privations, now was the time to test the quality of this unique army. Thousands of years may pass, but never will it be possible to speak of heroism without mentioning the German army and the World War. Then from the veil of the past the iron front of the gray steel helmet will emerge, unwavering and unflinching, an immortal monument. As long as there are Germans alive, they will remember that these men were sons of their nation. I was a soldier then, and I didn't want to talk about politics. And really it was not the time for it. Even today I harbor the conviction that the humblest wagon-driver performed more valuable services for the fatherland than the foremost among, let us say, 'parliamentarians.' I had never hated these bigmouths more than now when every red-blooded man with something to say yelled it into the enemy's face or appropriately left his tongue at home and silently did his duty somewhere. Yes, in those days I hated all those politicians. And if it had been up to me, a parliamentary pick-and-shovel battalion would have been formed at once; then they could have chewed the fat to their hearts' content without annoying, let alone harming, honest, decent people. Thus, at that time I wanted to hear nothing of politics, but I could not help taking a position on certain manifestations which after all did affect the whole nations and particularly concerned us soldiers. There were two things which then profoundly angered me and which I regarded as harmful. After the very first news of victories, a certain section of the press, slowly, and in a way which at first was perhaps unrecognizable to many, began to pour a few drops of wormwood into the general enthusiasm. This was done beneath the mask of a certain benevolence and well-meaning, even of a certain solicitude. They had misgivings about an excess of exuberance in the celebration of the victories. They feared that in this form it was unworthy of so great a nation and hence inappropriate. The bravery and heroic courage of the German soldier were something self-evident, they said, and people should not be carried away too much by thoughtless outbursts of joy, if only for the sake of foreign countries to whom a silent and dignified form of joy appealed more than unbridled exultation, etc. Finally, we Germans even now should not forget that the war was none of our intention and therefore we should not be ashamed to confess in an open and manly fashion that at any time we would contribute our part to a reconciliation of mankind. For that reason it would not be prudent to besmirch the purity of our army's deeds by too much shouting, since the rest of the world would have little understanding for such behavior. The world admired nothing more than the modesty with which a true hero silently and calmly forgets his deeds, for this was the gist of the whole argument. Instead of taking one of these creatures by his long ears, tying him to a long pole and pulling him up on a long cord, thus making it impossible for the cheering nation to insult the aesthetic sentiment of this knight of the inkpot, the authorities actually began to issue remonstrances against ' unseemly ' rejoicing over victories. It didn't occur to them in the least that enthusiasm once scotched cannot be reawakened at need. It is an intoxication and must be preserved in this state. And how, without this power of enthusiasm, should a country withstand a struggle which in all likelihood would make the most enormous demands on the spiritual qualities of the nation? I knew the psyche of the broad masses too well not to be aware that a high 'aesthetic' tone would not stir up the fire that was necessary to keep the iron hot. In my eyes it was madness on the part of the authorities to be doing nothing to intensify the glowing heat of passion; and when they curtailed what passion was fortunately present, that was absolutely beyond me. The second thing that angered me was the attitude which they thought fit to take toward Marxism. In my eyes, this only proved that they hadn't so much as the faintest idea concerning this pestilence. In all seriousness they seemed to believe that, by the assurance that parties were no longer recognized, they had brought Marxism to understanding and restraint. They failed to understand that here no party was involved, but a doctrine that must lead to the destruction of all humanity, especially since this cannot be learned in the Jewified universities and, besides, so many, particularly among our higher officials, due to the idiotic conceit that is cultivated in them, don't think it worth the trouble to pick up a book and learn something which was not in their university curriculum. The most gigantic upheaval passes these 'minds' by without leaving the slightest trace, which is why state institutions for the most part lag behind private ones. It is to them, by God, that the popular proverb best applies: 'What the peasant doesn't know, he won't eat.' Here, too, a few exceptions only confirm the rule. It was an unequaled absurdity to identify the German worker with Marxism in the days of August, 1914. In those hours the German worker had made himself free from the embrace of this venomous plague, for otherwise he would never have been able to enter the struggle. The authorities, however, were stupid enough to believe that Marxism had now become national; a flash of genius which only shows that in these long years none of these official guides of the state had even taken the trouble to study the essence of this doctrine, for if they had, such an absurdity could scarcely have crept in. Marxism, whose goal is and remains the destruction of all non-Jewish national states, was forced to look on in horror as, in the July days of 1914, the German working class it had ensnared, awakened and from hour to hour began to enter the service of the fatherland with ever-increasing rapidity. In a few days the whole mist and swindle of this infamous betrayal of the people had scattered away, and suddenly the gang of Jewish leaders stood there lonely and forsaken, as though not a trace remained of the nonsense and madness which for sixty years they had been funneling into the masses. It was a bad moment for the betrayers of the German working class, but as soon as the leaders recognized the danger which menaced them, they rapidly pulled the tarn-cap ' of lies over their ears, and insolently mimicked the national awakening. But now the time had come to take steps against the whole treacherous brotherhood of they Jewish poisoners of the people. Now was the time to deal with them summarily without the slightest consideration for any screams and complaints that might arise. In August, 1914, the whole Jewish jabber about international solidarity had vanished at one stroke from the heads of the German working class, and in its stead, only a few weeks later, American shrapnel began to pour down the blessings of brotherhood on the helmets of our march columns. It would have been the duty of a serious government, now that the German worker had found his way back to his nation, to exterminate mercilessly the agitators who were misleading the nation. If the best men were dying at the front, the least we could do was to wipe out the vermin. Instead of this, His Majesty the Raiser himself stretched out his hand to the old criminals, thus sparing the treacherous murderers of the nation and giving them a chance to retrieve themselves. So nova the viper could continue his work, more cautiously than before, but all the more dangerously. While the honest ones were dreaming of peace within their borders,l the perjuring criminals were organizing the revolution. That such terrible half-measures should then be decided upon made me more and more dissatisfied at heart; but at that time I would not have thought it possible that the end of it all would be so frightful. What, then, should have been done? The leaders of the whole movement should at once have been put behind bars, brought to trial, and thus taken off the nation's neck. All the implements of military power should have been ruthlessly used for the extermination of this pestilence. The parties should have been dissolved, the Reichstag brought to its senses, with bayonets if necessary, but, best of all, dissolved at once. Just as the Republic today can dissolve parties, this method should have been used at that time, with more reason. For the life and death of a whole nation was at stake! One question came to the fore, however: can spiritual ideas be exterminated by the sword? Can 'philosophies' be combated by the use of brute force? Even at that time I pondered this question more than once: If we ponder analogous cases, particularly on a religious basis, which can be found in history, the following fundamental principle emerges: Conceptions and ideas, as well as movements with a definite spiritual foundation, regardless whether the latter is false or true, can, after a certain point in their development, only be broken with technical instruments of power if these physical weapons are at the same time the support of a new kindling thought, idea, or philosophy. The application of force alone, without the impetus of a basic spiritual idea as a starting point, can never lead to the destruction of an idea and its dissemination, except in the form of a complete extermination of even the very last exponent of the idea and the destruction of the last tradition. This, however, usually means the disappearance of such a state from the sphere of political importance, often for an indefinite time and some-times forever; for experience shows that such a blood sacrifice strikes the best part of the people, since every persecution which occurs without a spiritual basis seems morally unjustified and whips up precisely the more valuable parts of a people in protest, which results in an adoption of the spiritual content of the unjustly persecuted movement. In many this occurs simply through a feeling of opposition against the attempt to bludgeon down an idea by brute force. As a result, the number of inward supporters grows in proportion as the persecution increases. Consequently, the complete annihilation of the new doctrine can be carried out only through a process of extermination so great and constantly increasing that in the end all the truly valuable blood is drawn out of the people or state in question. The consequence is that, though a so-called 'inner' purge can now take place, it will only be at the cost of total impotence. Such a method will always prove vain in advance if the doctrine to be combated has overstepped a certain small circle. Consequently, here, too, as in all growth, the first period of childhood is most readily susceptible to the possibility of extermination, while with the mounting years the power of resistance increases and only with the weakness of approaching old age cedes again to new youth, though in another form and for different reasons. Indeed, nearly all attempts to exterminate a doctrine and its organizational expression, by force without spiritual foundation, are doomed to failure, and not seldom end with the exact opposite of the desired result for the following reason: The very first requirement for a mode of struggle with the weapons of naked force is and remains persistence. In other words: only the continuous and steady application of the methods for repressing a doctrine, etc., makes it possible for a plan to succeed. But as soon as force wavers and alternates with forbearance, not only will the doctrine to be repressed recover again and again, but it will also be in a position to draw new benefit from every persecution, since, after such a wave of pressure has ebbed away, indignation over the suffering induced leads new supporters to the old doctrine, while the old ones will cling to it with greater defiance and deeper hatred than before, and even schismatic heretics, once the danger has subsided, will attempt to return to their old viewpoint. Only in the steady and constant application of force lies the very first prerequisite for success. This persistence, however, can always and only arise from a definite spiritual conviction. Any violence which does not spring from a firm, spiritual base, will be wavering and uncertain. It lacks the stability which can only rest in a fanatical outlook. It emanates from the momentary energy and brutal determination of an individual, and is therefore subject to the change of personalities and to their nature and strength. Added to this there is something else: Any philosophy, whether of a religious or political nature- and sometimes the dividing line is hard to determine-fights less for the negative destruction of the opposing ideology than for the positive promotion of its own. Hence its struggle is less defensive than offensive. It therefore has the advantage even in determining the goal, since this goal represents the victory of its own idea, while, conversely, it is hard to determine when the negative aim of the destruction of a hostile doctrine may be regarded as achieved and assured. For this reason alone, the philosophy's offensive will be more systematic and also more powerful than the defensive against a philosophy, since here, too, as always, the attack and not the defense makes the decision. The fight against a spiritual power with methods of violence remains defensive, however, until the sword becomes the support, the herald and disseminator, of a new spiritual doctrine. Thus, in summing up, we can establish the following: Any attempt to combat a philosophy with methods of violence will fail in the end, unless the fight takes the form of attack for a new spiritual attitude. Only in the struggle between two philosophies can the weapon of brutal force, persistently and ruthlessly applied lead to a decision for the side it supports. This remained the reason for the failure of the struggle against Marxism. This was why Bismarck's Socialist legislation finally failed and had to fail, in spite of everything. Lacking was the platform of a new philosophy for whose rise the fight could have been waged. For only the proverbial wisdom of high government officials will succeed in believing that drivel about so-called 'state authority' or 'law and order' could form a suitable basis for the spiritual impetus of a life-and-death struggle. Since a real spiritual basis for this struggle was lacking, Bismarck had to entrust the execution of his Socialist legislation to the judgment and desires of that institution which itself was a product of Marxist thinking. By entrusting the fate of his war on the Marxists to the well-wishing of bourgeois democracy, the Iron Chancellor set the wolf to mind the sheep. All this was only the necessary consequence of the absence of a basic new anti-Marxist philosophy endowed with a stormy will to conquer. Hence the sole result of Bismarck's struggle was a grave disillusionment. Were conditions different during the World War or at its beginning? Unfortunately not. The more I occupied myself with the idea of a necessary change in the government's attitude toward Social Democracy as the momentary embodiment of Marxism, the more I recognized the lack of a serviceable substitute for this doctrine. What would be given the masses if, just supposing, Social Democracy had been broken? There was not one movement in existence which could have been expected to succeed in drawing into its sphere of influence the great multitudes of workers grown more or less leaderless. It is senseless and more than stupid to believe that the international fanatic who had left the class party would now at once join a bourgeois party, in other words, a new class organization. For, unpleasant as it may seem to various organizations, it cannot be denied that bourgeois politicians largely take class division quite for granted as long as it does not begin to work out to their political disadvantage. The denial of this fact only proves the effrontery, and also the stupidity, of the liars. Altogether, care should be taken not to regard the masses as stupider than they are. In political matters feeling often decides more correctly than reason. The opinion that the stupid international attitude of the masses is sufficient proof of the unsoundness of the masses' sentiments can be thoroughly confuted by the simple reminder that pacifist democracy is no less insane, and that its exponents originate almost exclusively in the bourgeois camp. As long as millions of the bourgeoisie still piously worship their Jewish democratic press every morning, it very ill becomes these gentlemen to make jokes about the stupidity of the 'comrade' who, in the last analysis, only swallows down the same garbage, though in a different form. In both cases the manufacturer is one and the same Jew. Good care should be taken not to deny things that just happen to be true. The fact that the class question is by no means exclusively a matter of ideal problems, as, particularly before the elections, some people would like to pretend, cannot be denied. The class arrogance of a large part of our people, and to an even greater extent, the underestimation of the manual worker, are phenomena which do not exist only in the imagination of the moonstruck. Quite aside from this, however, it shows the small capacity for thought of our so-called 'intelligentsia' when, particularly in these circles, it is not understood that a state of affairs which could not prevent the growth of a plague, such as Marxism happens to be, will certainly not be able to recover what has been lost. The 'bourgeois' parties, as they designate themselves, will never be able to attach the 'proletarian' masses to their camp, for here two worlds oppose each other, in part naturally and in part artificially divided, whose mutual relation 1 can only be struggle. The younger will be victorious-and this is Marxism. Indeed, a struggle against Social Democracy in the year 1914 was conceivable, but how long this condition would be maintained, in view of the absence of any substitute, remained doubtful. Here there was a great gap. I was of this opinion long before the War, and for this reason could not make up my mind to join one of the existing parties. In the course of events of the World War, I was reinforced in this opinion by the obvious impossibility of taking up a ruthless struggle against Social Democracy, owing to this very lack of a movement which would have had to be more than a 'parliamentary' party. With my closer comrades I often expressed myself openly on this point. And now the first ideas came to me of later engaging in political activity. Precisely this was what caused me often to assure the small circle of my friends that after the War, I meant to be a speaker in addition to my profession. I believe that I was very serious about this. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- [Previous Chapter (Munich)] [Home] [Next Chapter (War Propaganda)] |
| Name: | MY STRUGGLE AGAINST SHEITENNE/JEWS ARE AND WILL ALWAYS BE THE CHOSEN OF CHRIST+GOD |
| Comments: | Mein Kampf by Adolf Hitler
Volume Two - The National Socialist Movement Chapter IV: Personality and the Conception of the Folkish State If the principal duty of the National Socialist People's State be to educate and promote the existence of those who are the material out of which the State is formed, it will not be sufficient to promote those racial elements as such, educate them and finally train them for practical life, but the State must also adapt its own organization to meet the demands of this task. It would be absurd to appraise a man's worth by the race to which he belongs and at the same time to make war against the Marxist principle, that all men are equal, without being determined to pursue our own principle to its ultimate consequences. If we admit the significance of blood, that is to say, if we recognize the race as the fundamental element on which all life is based, we shall have to apply to the individual the logical consequences of this principle. In general I must estimate the worth of nations differently, on the basis of the different races from which they spring, and I must also differentiate in estimating the worth of the individual within his own race. The principle, that one people is not the same as another, applies also to the individual members of a national community. No one brain, for instance, is equal to another; because the constituent elements belonging to the same blood vary in a thousand subtle details, though they are fundamentally of the same quality. The first consequence of this fact is comparatively simple. It demands that those elements within the folk-community which show the best racial qualities ought to be encouraged more than the others and especially they should be encouraged to increase and multiply. This task is comparatively simple because it can be recognized and carried out almost mechanically. It is much more difficult to select from among a whole multitude of people all those who actually possess the highest intellectual and spiritual characteristics and assign them to that sphere of influence which not only corresponds to their outstanding talents but in which their activities will above all things be of benefit to the nation. This selection according to capacity and efficiency cannot be effected in a mechanical way. It is a work which can be accomplished only through the permanent struggle of everyday life itself. A philosophy of life which repudiates the democratic principle of the rule of the masses and aims at giving this world to the best people – that is, to the highest quality of mankind – must also apply that same aristocratic postulate to the individuals within the folk-community. It must take care that the positions of leadership and highest influence are given to the best men. Hence it is not based on the idea of the majority, but on that of personality. Anyone who believes that the People's National Socialist State should distinguish itself from the other States only mechanically, as it were, through the better construction of its economic life – thanks to a better equilibrium between poverty and riches, or to the extension to broader masses of the power to determine the economic process, or to a fairer wage, or to the elimination of vast differences in the scale of salaries – anyone who thinks this understands only the superficial features of our movement and has not the least idea of what we mean when we speak of our Weltanschhauung. All these features just mentioned could not in the least guarantee us a lasting existence and certainly would be no warranty of greatness. A nation that could content itself with external reforms would not have the slightest chance of success in the general struggle for life among the nations of the world. A movement that would confine its mission to such adjustments, which are certainly right and equitable, would effect no far-reaching or profound reform in the existing order. The whole effect of such measures would be limited to externals. They would not furnish the nation with that moral armament which alone will enable it effectively to overcome the weaknesses from which we are suffering today. In order to elucidate this point of view it may be worth while to glance once again at the real origins and causes of the cultural evolution of mankind. The first step which visibly brought mankind away from the animal world was that which led to the first invention. The invention itself owes its origin to the ruses and stratagems which man employed to assist him in the struggle with other creatures for his existence and often to provide him with the only means he could adopt to achieve success in the struggle. Those first very crude inventions cannot be attributed to the individual; for the subsequent observer, that is to say the modern observer, recognizes them only as collective phenomena. Certain tricks and skilful tactics which can be observed in use among the animals strike the eye of the observer as established facts which may be seen everywhere; and man is no longer in a position to discover or explain their primary cause and so he contents himself with calling such phenomena 'instinctive.' In our case this term has no meaning. Because everyone who believes in the higher evolution of living organisms must admit that every manifestation of the vital urge and struggle to live must have had a definite beginning in time and that one subject alone must have manifested it for the first time. It was then repeated again and again; and the practice of it spread over a widening area, until finally it passed into the subconscience of every member of the species, where it manifested itself as 'instinct.' This is more easily understood and more easy to believe in the case of man. His first skilled tactics in the struggle with the rest of the animals undoubtedly originated in his management of creatures which possessed special capabilities. There can be no doubt that personality was then the sole factor in all decisions and achievements, which were afterwards taken over by the whole of humanity as a matter of course. An exact exemplification of this may be found in those fundamental military principles which have now become the basis of all strategy in war. Originally they sprang from the brain of a single individual and in the course of many years, maybe even thousands of years, they were accepted all round as a matter of course and this gained universal validity. Man completed his first discovery by making a second. Among other things he learned how to master other living beings and make them serve him in his struggle for existence. And thus began the real inventive activity of mankind, as it is now visible before our eyes. Those material inventions, beginning with the use of stones as weapons, which led to the domestication of animals, the production of fire by artificial means, down to the marvellous inventions of our own days, show clearly that an individual was the originator in each case. The nearer we come to our own time and the more important and revolutionary the inventions become, the more clearly do we recognize the truth of that statement. All the material inventions which we see around us have been produced by the creative powers and capabilities of individuals. And all these inventions help man to raise himself higher and higher above the animal world and to separate himself from that world in an absolutely definite way. Hence they serve to elevate the human species and continually to promote its progress. And what the most primitive artifice once did for man in his struggle for existence, as he went hunting through the primeval forest, that same sort of assistance is rendered him today in the form of marvellous scientific inventions which help him in the present day struggle for life and to forge weapons for future struggles. In their final consequences all human thought and invention help man in his life-struggle on this planet, even though the so-called practical utility of an invention, a discovery or a profound scientific theory, may not be evident at first sight. Everything contributes to raise man higher and higher above the level of all the other creatures that surround him, thereby strengthening and consolidating his position; so that he develops more and more in every direction as the ruling being on this earth. Hence all inventions are the result of the creative faculty of the individual. And all such individuals, whether they have willed it or not, are the benefactors of mankind, both great and small. Through their work millions and indeed billions of human beings have been provided with means and resources which facilitate their struggle for existence. Thus at the origin of the material civilization which flourishes today we always see individual persons. They supplement one another and one of them bases his work on that of the other. The same is true in regard to the practical application of those inventions and discoveries. For all the various methods of production are in their turn inventions also and consequently dependent on the creative faculty of the individual. Even the purely theoretical work, which cannot be measured by a definite rule and is preliminary to all subsequent technical discoveries, is exclusively the product of the individual brain. The broad masses do not invent, nor does the majority organize or think; but always and in every case the individual man, the person. Accordingly a human community is well organized only when it facilitates to the highest possible degree individual creative forces and utilizes their work for the benefit of the community. The most valuable factor of an invention, whether it be in the world of material realities or in the world of abstract ideas, is the personality of the inventor himself. The first and supreme duty of an organized folk community is to place the inventor in a position where he can be of the greatest benefit to all. Indeed the very purpose of the organization is to put this principle into practice. Only by so doing can it ward off the curse of mechanization and remain a living thing. In itself it must personify the effort to place men of brains above the multitude and to make the latter obey the former. Therefore not only does the organization possess no right to prevent men of brains from rising above the multitude but, on the contrary, it must use its organizing powers to enable and promote that ascension as far as it possibly can. It must start out from the principle that the blessings of mankind never came from the masses but from the creative brains of individuals, who are therefore the real benefactors of humanity. It is in the interest of all to assure men of creative brains a decisive influence and facilitate their work. This common interest is surely not served by allowing the multitude to rule, for they are not capable of thinking nor are they efficient and in no case whatsoever can they be said to be gifted. Only those should rule who have the natural temperament and gifts of leadership. Such men of brains are selected mainly, as I have already said, through the hard struggle for existence itself. In this struggle there are many who break down and collapse and thereby show that they are not called by Destiny to fill the highest positions; and only very few are left who can be classed among the elect. In the realm of thought and of artistic creation, and even in the economic field, this same process of selection takes place, although – especially in the economic field – its operation is heavily handicapped. This same principle of selection rules in the administration of the State and in that department of power which personifies the organized military defence of the nation. The idea of personality rules everywhere, the authority of the individual over his subordinates and the responsibility of the individual towards the persons who are placed over him. It is only in political life that this very natural principle has been completely excluded. Though all human civilization has resulted exclusively from the creative activity of the individual, the principle that it is the mass which counts – through the decision of the majority – makes its appearance only in the administration of the national community especially in the higher grades; and from there downwards the poison gradually filters into all branches of national life, thus causing a veritable decomposition. The destructive workings of Judaism in different parts of the national body can be ascribed fundamentally to the persistent Jewish efforts at undermining the importance of personality among the nations that are their hosts and, in place of personality, substituting the domination of the masses. The constructive principle of Aryan humanity is thus displaced by the destructive principle of the Jews, They become the 'ferment of decomposition' among nations and races and, in a broad sense, the wreckers of human civilization. Marxism represents the most striking phase of the Jewish endeavour to eliminate the dominant significance of personality in every sphere of human life and replace it by the numerical power of the masses. In politics the parliamentary form of government is the expression of this effort. We can observe the fatal effects of it everywhere, from the smallest parish council upwards to the highest governing circles of the nation. In the field of economics we see the trade union movement, which does not serve the real interests of the employees but the destructive aims of international Jewry. Just to the same degree in which the principle of personality is excluded from the economic life of the nation, and the influence and activities of the masses substituted in its stead, national economy, which should be for the service and benefit of the community as a whole, will gradually deteriorate in its creative capacity. The shop committees which, instead of caring for the interests of the employees, strive to influence the process of production, serve the same destructive purpose. They damage the general productive system and consequently injure the individual engaged in industry. For in the long run it is impossible to satisfy popular demands merely by high-sounding theoretical phrases. These can be satisfied only by supplying goods to meet the individual needs of daily life and by so doing create the conviction that, through the productive collaboration of its members, the folk community serves the interests of the individual. Even if, on the basis of its mass-theory, Marxism should prove itself capable of taking over and developing the present economic system, that would not signify anything. The question as to whether the Marxist doctrine be right or wrong cannot be decided by any test which would show that it can administer for the future what already exists today, but only by asking whether it has the creative power to build up according to its own principles a civilization which would be a counterpart of what already exists. Even if Marxism were a thousandfold capable of taking over the economic life as we now have it and maintaining it in operation under Marxist direction, such an achievement would prove nothing; because, on the basis of its own principles, Marxism would never be able to create something which could supplant what exists today. And Marxism itself has furnished the proof that it cannot do this. Not only has it been unable anywhere to create a cultural or economic system of its own; but it was not even able to develop, according to its own principles, the civilization and economic system it found ready at hand. It has had to make compromises, by way of a return to the principle of personality, just as it cannot dispense with that principle in its own organization. The folkish philosophy is fundamentally distinguished from the Marxist by reason of the fact that the former recognizes the significance of race and therefore also personal worth and has made these the pillars of its structure. These are the most important factors of its view of life. If the National Socialist Movement should fail to understand the fundamental importance of this essential principle, if it should merely varnish the external appearance of the present State and adopt the majority principle, it would really do nothing more than compete with Marxism on its own ground. For that reason it would not have the right to call itself a philosophy of life. If the social programme of the movement consisted in eliminating personality and putting the multitude in its place, then National Socialism would be corrupted with the poison of Marxism, just as our national-bourgeois parties are. The People's State must assure the welfare of its citizens by recognizing the importance of personal values under all circumstances and by preparing the way for the maximum of productive efficiency in all the various branches of economic life, thus securing to the individual the highest possible share in the general output. Hence the People's State must mercilessly expurgate from all the leading circles in the government of the country the parliamentarian principle, according to which decisive power through the majority vote is invested in the multitude. Personal responsibility must be substituted in its stead. From this the following conclusion results: The best constitution and the best form of government is that which makes it quite natural for the best brains to reach a position of dominant importance and influence in the community. Just as in the field of economics men of outstanding ability cannot be designated from above but must come forward in virtue of their own efforts, and just as there is an unceasing educative process that leads from the smallest shop to the largest undertaking, and just as life itself is the school in which those lessons are taught, so in the political field it is not possible to 'discover' political talent all in a moment. Genius of an extraordinary stamp is not to be judged by normal standards whereby we judge other men. In its organization the State must be established on the principle of personality, starting from the smallest cell and ascending up to the supreme government of the country. There are no decisions made by the majority vote, but only by responsible persons. And the word 'council' is once more restored to its original meaning. Every man in a position of responsibility will have councillors at his side, but the decision is made by that individual person alone. The principle which made the former Prussian Army an admirable instrument of the German nation will have to become the basis of our statal constitution, that is to say, full authority over his subordinates must be invested in each leader and he must be responsible to those above him. Even then we shall not be able to do without those corporations which at present we call parliaments. But they will be real councils, in the sense that they will have to give advice. The responsibility can and must be borne by one individual, who alone will be vested with authority and the right to command. Parliaments as such are necessary because they alone furnish the opportunity for leaders to rise gradually who will be entrusted subsequently with positions of special responsibility. The following is an outline of the picture which the organization will present: From the municipal administration up to the government of the Reich, the People's State will not have any body of representatives which makes its decisions through the majority vote. It will have only advisory bodies to assist the chosen leader for the time being and he will distribute among them the various duties they are to perform. In certain fields they may, if necessary, have to assume full responsibility, such as the leader or president of each corporation possesses on a larger scale. In principle the People's State must forbid the custom of taking advice on certain political problems – economics, for instance – from persons who are entirely incompetent because they lack special training and practical experience in such matters. Consequently the State must divide its representative bodies into a political chamber and a corporative chamber that represents the respective trades and professions. To assure an effective co-operation between those two bodies, a selected body will be placed over them. This will be a special senate. No vote will be taken in the chambers or senate. They are to be organizations for work and not voting machines. The individual members will have consultive votes but no right of decision will be attached thereto. The right of decision belongs exclusively to the president, who must be entirely responsible for the matter under discussion. This principle of combining absolute authority with absolute responsibility will gradually cause a selected group of leaders to emerge; which is not even thinkable in our present epoch of irresponsible parliamentarianism. The political construction of the nation will thereby be brought into harmony with those laws to which the nation already owes its greatness in the economic and cultural spheres. Regarding the possibility of putting these principles into practice, I should like to call attention to the fact that the principle of parliamentarian democracy, whereby decisions are enacted through the majority vote, has not always ruled the world. On the contrary, we find it prevalent only during short periods of history, and those have always been periods of decline in nations and States. One must not believe, however, that such a radical change could be effected by measures of a purely theoretical character, operating from above downwards; for the change I have been describing could not be limited to transforming the constitution of a State but would have to include the various fields of legislation and civic existence as a whole. Such a revolution can be brought about only by means of a movement which is itself organized under the inspiration of these principles and thus bears the germ of the future State in its own organism. Therefore it is well for the National Socialist Movement to make itself completely familiar with those principles today and actually to put them into practice within its own organization, so that not only will it be in a position to serve as a guide for the future State but will have its own organization such that it can subsequently be placed at the disposal of the State itself. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- [Previous Chapter (Subjects and Citizens)] [Home] [Next Chapter (Philosophy and Organization)] |
| Name: | I HATE THIS TESTAMENT OF TORMENT ,BUT LOVE DIVINITA AND THANK( HERR ) FOR ALL FEMALEHUMANITY |
| Comments: | Mein Kampf by Adolf Hitler
Volume Two - The National Socialist Movement Chapter VI: The Struggle of the Early Period -- The Significance of the Spoken Word The echoes of our first great meeting, in the banquet hall of the Hofbräuhaus on February 24th, 1920, had not yet died away when we began preparations for our next meeting. Up to that time we had to consider carefully the venture of holding a small meeting every month or at most every fortnight in a city like Munich; but now it was decided that we should hold a mass meeting every week. I need not say that we anxiously asked ourselves on each occasion again and again: Will the people come and will they listen? Personally I was firmly convinced that if once they came they would remain and listen. During that period the hall of the Hofbrau Haus in Munich acquired for us, National Socialists, a sort of mystic significance. Every week there was a meeting, almost always in that hall, and each time the hall was better filled than on the former occasion, and our public more attentive. Starting with the theme, 'Responsibility for the War,' which nobody at that time cared about, and passing on to the discussion of the peace treaties, we dealt with almost everything that served to stimulate the minds of our audience and make them interested in our ideas. We drew attention to the peace treaties. What the new movement prophesied again and again before those great masses of people has been fulfilled almost in every detail. To-day it is easy to talk and write about these things. But in those days a public mass meeting which was attended not by the small bourgeoisie but by proletarians who had been aroused by agitators, to criticize the Peace Treaty of Versailles meant an attack on the Republic and an evidence of reaction, if not of monarchist tendencies. The moment one uttered the first criticism of the Versailles Treaty one could expect an immediate reply, which became almost stereotyped: 'And Brest-Litowsk?' 'Brest-Litowsk!' And then the crowd would murmur and the murmur would gradually swell into a roar, until the speaker would have to give up his attempt to persuade them. It would be like knocking one's head against a wall, so desperate were these people. They would not listen nor understand that Versailles was a scandal and a disgrace and that the dictate signified an act of highway robbery against our people. The disruptive work done by the Marxists and the poisonous propaganda of the external enemy had robbed these people of their reason. And one had no right to complain. For the guilt on this side was enormous. What had the German bourgeoisie done to call a halt to this terrible campaign of disintegration, to oppose it and open a way to a recognition of the truth by giving a better and more thorough explanation of the situation than that of the Marxists? Nothing, nothing. At that time I never saw those who are now the great apostles of the people. Perhaps they spoke to select groups, at tea parties of their own little coteries; but there where they should have been, where the wolves were at work, they never risked their appearance, unless it gave them the opportunity of yelling in concert with the wolves. As for myself, I then saw clearly that for the small group which first composed our movement the question of war guilt had to be cleared up, and cleared up in the light of historical truth. A preliminary condition for the future success of our movement was that it should bring knowledge of the meaning of the peace treaties to the minds of the popular masses. In the opinion of the masses, the peace treaties then signified a democratic success. Therefore, it was necessary to take the opposite side and dig ourselves into the minds of the people as the enemies of the peace treaties; so that later on, when the naked truth of this despicable swindle would be disclosed in all its hideousness, the people would recall the position which we then took and would give us their confidence. Already at that time I took up my stand on those important fundamental questions where public opinion had gone wrong as a whole. I opposed these wrong notions without regard either for popularity or for hatred, and I was ready to face the fight. The National Socialist German Labour Party ought not to be the beadle but rather the master of public opinion. It must not serve the masses but rather dominate them. In the case of every movement, especially during its struggling stages, there is naturally a temptation to conform to the tactics of an opponent and use the same battle-cries, when his tactics have succeeded in leading the people to crazy conclusions or to adopt mistaken attitudes towards the questions at issue. This temptation is particularly strong when motives can be found, though they are entirely illusory, that seem to point towards the same ends which the young movement is aiming at. Human poltroonery will then all the more readily adopt those arguments which give it a semblance of justification, 'from its own point of view,' in participating in the criminal policy which the adversary is following. On several occasions I have experienced such cases, in which the greatest energy had to be employed to prevent the ship of our movement from being drawn into a general current which had been started artificially, and indeed from sailing with it. The last occasion was when our German Press, the Hecuba of the existence of the German nation, succeeded in bringing the question of South Tyrol into a position of importance which was seriously damaging to the interests of the German people. Without considering what interests they were serving, several so-called 'national' men, parties and leagues, joined in the general cry, simply for fear of public opinion which had been excited by the Jews, and foolishly contributed to help in the struggle against a system which we Germans ought, particularly in those days, to consider as the one ray of light in this distracted world. While the international World-Jew is slowly but surely strangling us, our so-called patriots vociferate against a man and his system which have had the courage to liberate themselves from the shackles of Jewish Freemasonry at least in one quarter of the globe and to set the forces of national resistance against the international world-poison. But weak characters were tempted to set their sails according to the direction of the wind and capitulate before the shout of public opinion. For it was veritably a capitulation. They are so much in the habit of lying and so morally base that men may not admit this even to themselves, but the truth remains that only cowardice and fear of the public feeling aroused by the Jews induced certain people to join in the hue and cry. All the other reasons put forward were only miserable excuses of paltry culprits who were conscious of their own crime. There it was necessary to grasp the rudder with an iron hand and turn the movement about, so as to save it from a course that would have led it on the rocks. Certainly to attempt such a change of course was not a popular manoeuvre at that time, because all the leading forces of public opinion had been active and a great flame of public feeling illuminated only one direction. Such a decision almost always brings disfavour on those who dare to take it. In the course of history not a few men have been stoned for an act for which posterity has afterwards thanked them on its knees. But a movement must count on posterity and not on the plaudits of the movement. It may well be that at such moments certain individuals have to endure hours of anguish; but they should not forget that the moment of liberation will come and that a movement which purposes to reshape the world must serve the future and not the passing hour. On this point it may be asserted that the greatest and most enduring successes in history are mostly those which were least understood at the beginning, because they were in strong contrast to public opinion and the views and wishes of the time. We had experience of this when we made our own first public appearance. In all truth it can be said that we did not court public favour but made an onslaught on the follies of our people. In those days the following happened almost always: I presented myself before an assembly of men who believed the opposite of what I wished to say and who wanted the opposite of what I believed in. Then I had to spend a couple of hours in persuading two or three thousand people to give up the opinions they had first held, in destroying the foundations of their views with one blow after another and finally in leading them over to take their stand on the grounds of our own convictions and our philosophy of life. I learned something that was important at that time, namely, to snatch from the hands of the enemy the weapons which he was using in his reply. I soon noticed that our adversaries, especially in the persons of those who led the discussion against us, were furnished with a definite repertoire of arguments out of which they took points against our claims which were being constantly repeated. The uniform character of this mode of procedure pointed to a systematic and unified training. And so we were able to recognize the incredible way in which the enemy's propagandists had been disciplined, and I am proud today that I discovered a means not only of making this propaganda ineffective but of beating the artificers of it at their own work. Two years later I was master of that art. In every speech which I made it was important to get a clear idea beforehand of the probable form and matter of the counter-arguments we had to expect in the discussion, so that in the course of my own speech these could be dealt with and refuted. To this end it was necessary to mention all the possible objections and show their inconsistency; it was all the easier to win over an honest listener by expunging from his memory the arguments which had been impressed upon it, so that we anticipated our replies. What he had learned was refuted without having been mentioned by him and that made him all the more attentive to what I had to say. That was the reason why, after my first lecture on the 'Peace Treaty of Versailles,' which I delivered to the troops while I was still a political instructor in my regiment, I made an alteration in the title and subject and henceforth spoke on 'The Treaties of Brest-Litowsk and Versailles.' For after the discussion which followed my first lecture I quickly ascertained that in reality people knew nothing about the Treaty of Brest-Litowsk and that able party propaganda had succeeded in presenting that Treaty as one of the most scandalous acts of violence in the history of the world. As a result of the persistency with which this falsehood was repeated again and again before the masses of the people, millions of Germans saw in the Treaty of Versailles a just castigation for the crime we had committed at Brest-Litowsk. Thus they considered all opposition to Versailles as unjust and in many cases there was an honest moral dislike to such a proceeding. And this was also the reason why the shameless and monstrous word 'Reparations' came into common use in Germany. This hypocritical falsehood appeared to millions of our exasperated fellow countrymen as the fulfilment of a higher justice. It is a terrible thought, but the fact was so. The best proof of this was the propaganda which I initiated against Versailles by explaining the Treaty of Brest-Litowsk. I compared the two treaties with one another, point by point, and showed how in truth the one treaty was immensely humane, in contradistinction to the inhuman barbarity of the other. The effect was very striking. Then I spoke on this theme before an assembly of two thousand persons, during which I often saw three thousand six hundred hostile eyes fixed on me. And three hours later I had in front of me a swaying mass of righteous indignation and fury. A great lie had been uprooted from the hearts and brains of a crowd composed of thousands of individuals and a truth had been implanted in its place. The two lectures – that 'On the Causes of the World War' and 'On the Peace Treaties of Brest-Litowsk and Versailles' respectively – I then considered as the most important of all. Therefore I repeated them dozens of times, always giving them a new intonation; until at least on those points a definitely clear and unanimous opinion reigned among those from whom our movement recruited its first members. Furthermore, these gatherings brought me the advantage that I slowly became a platform orator at mass meetings, and gave me practice in the pathos and gesture required in large halls that held thousands of people. Outside of the small circles which I have mentioned, at that time I found no party engaged in explaining things to the people in this way. Not one of these parties was then active which talk today as if it was they who had brought about the change in public opinion. If a political leader, calling himself a nationalist, pronounced a discourse somewhere or other on this theme it was only before circles which for the most part were already of his own conviction and among whom the most that was done was to confirm them in their opinions. But that was not what was needed then. What was needed was to win over through propaganda and explanation those whose opinions and mental attitudes held them bound to the enemy's camp. The one-page circular was also adopted by us to help in this propaganda. While still a soldier I had written a circular in which I contrasted the Treaty of Brest-Litowsk with that of Versailles. That circular was printed and distributed in large numbers. Later on I used it for the party, and also with good success. Our first meetings were distinguished by the fact that there were tables covered with leaflets, papers, and pamphlets of every kind. But we relied principally on the spoken word. And, in fact, this is the only means capable of producing really great revolutions, which can be explained on general psychological grounds. In the first volume I have already stated that all the formidable events which have changed the aspect of the world were carried through, not by the written but by the spoken word. On that point there was a long discussion in a certain section of the Press during the course of which our shrewd bourgeois people strongly opposed my thesis. But the reason for this attitude confounded the sceptics. The bourgeois intellectuals protested against my attitude simply because they themselves did not have the force or ability to influence the masses through the spoken word; for they always relied exclusively on the help of writers and did not enter the arena themselves as orators for the purpose of arousing the people. The development of events necessarily led to that condition of affairs which is characteristic of the bourgeoisie today, namely, the loss of the psychological instinct to act upon and influence the masses. An orator receives continuous guidance from the people before whom he speaks. This helps him to correct the direction of his speech; for he can always gauge, by the faces of his hearers, how far they follow and understand him, and whether his words are producing the desired effect. But the writer does not know his reader at all. Therefore, from the outset he does not address himself to a definite human group of persons which he has before his eyes but must write in a general way. Hence, up to a certain extent he must fail in psychological finesse and flexibility. Therefore, in general it may be said that a brilliant orator writes better than a brilliant writer can speak, unless the latter has continual practice in public speaking. One must also remember that of itself the multitude is mentally inert, that it remains attached to its old habits and that it is not naturally prone to read something which does not conform with its own pre-established beliefs when such writing does not contain what the multitude hopes to find there. Therefore, some piece of writing which has a particular tendency is for the most part read only by those who are in sympathy with it. Only a leaflet or a placard, on account of its brevity, can hope to arouse a momentary interest in those whose opinions differ from it. The picture, in all its forms, including the film, has better prospects. Here there is less need of elaborating the appeal to the intelligence. It is sufficient if one be careful to have quite short texts, because many people are more ready to accept a pictorial presentation than to read a long written description. In a much shorter time, at one stroke I might say, people will understand a pictorial presentation of something which it would take them a long and laborious effort of reading to understand. The most important consideration, however, is that one never knows into what hands a piece of written material comes and yet the form in which its subject is presented must remain the same. In general the effect is greater when the form of treatment corresponds to the mental level of the reader and suits his nature. Therefore, a book which is meant for the broad masses of the people must try from the very start to gain its effects through a style and level of ideas which would be quite different from a book intended to be read by the higher intellectual classes. Only through his capacity for adaptability does the force of the written word approach that of oral speech. The orator may deal with the same subject as a book deals with; but if he has the genius of a great and popular orator he will scarcely ever repeat the same argument or the same material in the same form on two consecutive occasions. He will always follow the lead of the great mass in such a way that from the living emotion of his hearers the apt word which he needs will be suggested to him and in its turn this will go straight to the hearts of his hearers. Should he make even a slight mistake he has the living correction before him. As I have already said, he can read the play of expression on the faces of his hearers, first to see if they understand what he says, secondly to see if they take in the whole of his argument, and, thirdly, in how far they are convinced of the justice of what has been placed before them. Should he observe, first, that his hearers do not understand him he will make his explanation so elementary and clear that they will be able to grasp it, even to the last individual. Secondly, if he feels that they are not capable of following him he will make one idea follow another carefully and slowly until the most slow-witted hearer no longer lags behind. Thirdly, as soon as he has the feeling that they do not seem convinced that he is right in the way he has put things to them he will repeat his argument over and over again, always giving fresh illustrations, and he himself will state their unspoken objection. He will repeat these objections, dissecting them and refuting them, until the last group of the opposition show him by their behaviour and play of expression that they have capitulated before his exposition of the case. Not infrequently it is a case of overcoming ingrained prejudices which are mostly unconscious and are supported by sentiment rather than reason. It is a thousand times more difficult to overcome this barrier of instinctive aversion, emotional hatred and preventive dissent than to correct opinions which are founded on defective or erroneous knowledge. False ideas and ignorance may be set aside by means of instruction, but emotional resistance never can. Nothing but an appeal to these hidden forces will be effective here. And that appeal can be made by scarcely any writer. Only the orator can hope to make it. A very striking proof of this is found in the fact that, though we had a bourgeois Press which in many cases was well written and produced and had a circulation of millions among the people, it could not prevent the broad masses from becoming the implacable enemies of the bourgeois class. The deluge of papers and books published by the intellectual circles year after year passed over the millions of the lower social strata like water over glazed leather. This proves that one of two things must be true: either that the matter offered in the bourgeois Press was worthless or that it is impossible to reach the hearts of the broad masses by means of the written word alone. Of course, the latter would be specially true where the written material shows such little psychological insight as has hitherto been the case. It is useless to object here, as certain big Berlin papers of German-National tendencies have attempted to do, that this statement is refuted by the fact that the Marxists have exercised their greatest influence through their writings, and especially through their principal book, published by Karl Marx. Seldom has a more superficial argument been based on a false assumption. What gave Marxism its amazing influence over the broad masses was not that formal printed work which sets forth the Jewish system of ideas, but the tremendous oral propaganda carried on for years among the masses. Out of one hundred thousand German workers scarcely one hundred know of Marx's book. It has been studied much more in intellectual circles and especially by the Jews than by the genuine followers of the movement who come from the lower classes. That work was not written for the masses, but exclusively for the intellectual leaders of the Jewish machine for conquering the world. The engine was heated with quite different stuff: namely, the journalistic Press. What differentiates the bourgeois Press from the Marxist Press is that the latter is written by agitators, whereas the bourgeois Press would like to carry on agitation by means of professional writers. The Social-Democrat sub-editor, who almost always came directly from the meeting to the editorial offices of his paper, felt his job on his finger-tips. But the bourgeois writer who left his desk to appear before the masses already felt ill when he smelled the very odour of the crowd and found that what he had written was useless to him. What won over millions of workpeople to the Marxist cause was not the ex cathedra style of the Marxist writers but the formidable propagandist work done by tens of thousands of indefatigable agitators, commencing with the leading fiery agitator down to the smallest official in the syndicate, the trusted delegate and the platform orator. Furthermore, there were the hundreds of thousands of meetings where these orators, standing on tables in smoky taverns, hammered their ideas into the heads of the masses, thus acquiring an admirable psychological knowledge of the human material they had to deal with. And in this way they were enabled to select the best weapons for their assault on the citadel of public opinion. In addition to all this there were the gigantic mass-demonstrations with processions in which a hundred thousand men took part. All this was calculated to impress on the petty-hearted individual the proud conviction that, though a small worm, he was at the same time a cell of the great dragon before whose devastating breath the hated bourgeois world would one day be consumed in fire and flame, and the dictatorship of the proletariat would celebrate its conclusive victory. This kind of propaganda influenced men in such a way as to give them a taste for reading the Social Democratic Press and prepare their minds for its teaching. That Press, in its turn, was a vehicle of the spoken word rather than of the written word. Whereas in the bourgeois camp professors and learned writers, theorists and authors of all kinds, made attempts at talking, in the Marxist camp real speakers often made attempts at writing. And it was precisely the Jew who was most prominent here. In general and because of his shrewd dialectical skill and his knack of twisting the truth to suit his own purposes, he was an effective writer but in reality his métier was that of a revolutionary orator rather than a writer. For this reason the journalistic bourgeois world, setting aside the fact that here also the Jew held the whip hand and that therefore this press did not really interest itself in the instructtion of the broad masses, was not able to exercise even the least influence over the opinions held by the great masses of our people. It is difficult to remove emotional prejudices, psychological bias, feelings, etc., and to put others in their place. Success depends here on imponderable conditions and influences. Only the orator who is gifted with the most sensitive insight can estimate all this. Even the time of day at which the speech is delivered has a decisive influence on its results. The same speech, made by the same orator and on the same theme, will have very different results according as it is delivered at ten o'clock in the forenoon, at three in the afternoon, or in the evening. When I first engaged in public speaking I arranged for meetings to take place in the forenoon and I remember particularly a demonstration that we held in the Munich Kindl Keller 'Against the Oppression of German Districts.' That was the biggest hall then in Munich and the audacity of our undertaking was great. In order to make the hour of the meeting attractive for all the members of our movement and the other people who might come, I fixed it for ten o'clock on a Sunday morning. The result was depressing. But it was very instructive. The hall was filled. The impression was profound, but the general feeling was cold as ice. Nobody got warmed up, and I myself, as the speaker of the occasion, felt profoundly unhappy at the thought that I could not establish the slightest contact with my audience. I do not think I spoke worse than before, but the effect seemed absolutely negative. I left the hall very discontented, but also feeling that I had gained a new experience. Later on I tried the same kind of experiment, but always with the same results. That was nothing to be wondered at. If one goes to a theatre to see a matinée performance and then attends an evening performance of the same play one is astounded at the difference in the impressions created. A sensitive person recognizes for himself the fact that these two states of mind caused by the matinee and the evening performance respectively are quite different in themselves. The same is true of cinema productions. This latter point is important; for one may say of the theatre that perhaps in the afternoon the actor does not make the same effort as in the evening. But surely it cannot be said that the cinema is different in the afternoon from what it is at nine o'clock in the evening. No, here the time exercises a distinct influence, just as a room exercises a distinct influence on a person. There are rooms which leave one cold, for reasons which are difficult to explain. There are rooms which refuse steadfastly to allow any favourable atmosphere to be created in them. Moreover, certain memories and traditions which are present as pictures in the human mind may have a determining influence on the impression produced. Thus, a representation of Parsifal at Bayreuth will have an effect quite different from that which the same opera produces in any other part of the world. The mysterious charm of the House on the 'Festival Heights' in the old city of The Margrave cannot be equalled or substituted anywhere else. In all these cases one deals with the problem of influencing the freedom of the human will. And that is true especially of meetings where there are men whose wills are opposed to the speaker and who must be brought around to a new way of thinking. In the morning and during the day it seems that the power of the human will rebels with its strongest energy against any attempt to impose upon it the will or opinion of another. On the other hand, in the evening it easily succumbs to the domination of a stronger will. Because really in such assemblies there is a contest between two opposite forces. The superior oratorical art of a man who has the compelling character of an apostle will succeed better in bringing around to a new way of thinking those who have naturally been subjected to a weakening of their forces of resistance rather than in converting those who are in full possession of their volitional and intellectual energies. The mysterious artificial dimness of the Catholic churches also serves this purpose, the burning candles, the incense, the thurible, etc. In this struggle between the orator and the opponent whom he must convert to his cause this marvellous sensibility towards the psychological influences of propaganda can hardly ever be availed of by an author. Generally speaking, the ef |